Written by Dr. Pintu Kumar Mahla & edited by Isabel Clapp
Mar 3, 2025
The stigmatisation of women in water policy and governance is a complex issue shaped by historical, cultural, and structural inequalities. Populist governance exacerbates this marginalisation by dismissing inclusive decision-making, centralising power, and reinforcing
patriarchal norms. Women are excluded from water policymaking, limiting their contributions and perpetuating inequities in resource management. Structural barriers, such as discriminatory laws and limited education access, further restrict women’s participation. Addressing these challenges requires empowering women through education, legal reforms, and inclusive governance structures. Promising initiatives and societal shifts towards gender-sensitive policies is critical to achieving equitable, sustainable water management that benefits all.
Water, as an indispensable resource, stands at the nexus of sustainable development, impacting human health, economic productivity, and environmental sustainability. The seminal International Conference on Water and the Environment convened in Dublin, Ireland, in 1992 yielded a set of foundational principles aimed at informing water-related policies vis-à-vis sustainable development. Among these Dublin principles, one underscored the pivotal role of women in water governance, positing them as integral agents in the provisioning, administration, and preservation of water resources. In the year 2000, during the United Nations Millennium Summit, global leaders pledged their collective commitment to a concerted initiative aimed at fostering sustainable development, enhancing gender parity, and augmenting accessibility to healthcare and education, encapsulated within the framework of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Essential to the realisation of these objectives is the facilitation of enhanced access to water and sanitation for both genders. Central among these aspirations is Goal 3, which specifically targets the advancement of gender equality and the empowerment of women.
Despite the critical role women play in water-related activities—ranging from household management to agriculture—they face systematic marginalisation and stigmatisation in water policy and governance. This exclusion is exacerbated under populist governance, which dismisses inclusive and participatory processes in favour of majoritarian and hierarchical approaches. Populist regimes often marginalise women by simplifying complex governance issues, prioritising majoritarian interests, and promoting exclusionary policies. Moreover, populist rhetoric often reinforces patriarchal norms that depict water governance as a male-dominated domain. This cultural bias limits women’s participation in decision-making, sidelining their traditional ecological knowledge and unique perspectives. Centralisation of power, another hallmark of populist regimes, removes women’s opportunities to engage in grassroots initiatives, further silencing their contributions to water governance.
Water is often politicised under populist regimes, with resources allocated to politically significant groups or industries rather than addressing the needs of marginalised communities, including women. Moreover, advocacy groups and civil society organisations, which often champion gender-responsive water governance, are delegitimised under populist leadership. This silencing of dissent and the erosion of participatory frameworks exacerbate the systemic exclusion of women from policymaking processes. Within this context, women face multifaceted challenges, including stigmatisation, in their involvement in water policy and governance processes. In India, a significant number of individuals engaged in manual scavenging are women, who face multiple layers of discrimination due to caste and stigma attached to their occupation. In Maharashtra, for instance, local governing bodies (panchayats) assign people from specific castes to manually clean toilets and open defecation areas, often excluding them from other jobs for which they are qualified. While panchayats offer housing and wages to those engaged in cleaning dry toilets, drains, and open defecation sites, many workers told Human Rights Watch that their wages are inconsistent, and they face eviction threats if they refuse to continue the work. In Nhavi village, located in Maharashtra’s Jalgaon district, the local panchayat employs nine people—both men and women—to clean areas used for open defecation. Despite their unwillingness to continue this work, they do so out of fear that their families will be forced out of their homes. Manual scavengers also endure social ostracisation, are restricted from touching items belonging to upper-caste individuals, and are denied access to water sources.
Although the Indian Constitution prohibits untouchability, and the Protection of Civil Rights Act (1955) makes it illegal to force anyone into manual scavenging, the practice persists. To combat this, the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act of 1993 criminalised both the hiring of manual scavengers and the construction of dry latrines. This was further reinforced by the 2013 Act, which extended the ban to all forms of manual waste removal from insanitary latrines, open drains, and pits. The 2013 law also acknowledges the government’s constitutional duty to rectify the historical injustices faced by manual scavenging communities by offering alternative employment opportunities and support. However, even women who have left manual scavenging—sometimes with the help of community-based civil society organisations—continue to struggle with finding stable housing, jobs, and access to government rehabilitation programs. So, the stigmatisation of women in manual scavenging has profound implications for the effectiveness and sustainability of water resource management. Women’s exclusion from decision-making processes results in policies and interventions that fail to consider their unique needs, priorities, and knowledge systems. This exclusion undermines the potential for gender-responsive water governance, hindering efforts to achieve equitable and sustainable water management outcomes. Furthermore, the underrepresentation of women in water governance perpetuates power imbalances and limits the diversity of perspectives needed to address complex water challenges effectively.
The principal contributors to the underrepresentation of women within the water sector encompass a deficiency in female self-assurance, predominantly shaped by cultural constraints, coupled with a discernible gender discrepancy in literacy levels favouring men. Concurrently, the commitment of women to domestic duties, deemed pivotal for their own societal well-being and that of their kin, such as culinary tasks, childcare responsibilities, and overall sanitation upkeep, constitutes an additional factor. The confluence of these elements imposes a significant burden on women, who find themselves encumbered by the dual obligations of professional engagement and domestic obligations.
Structural barriers further exacerbate the stigmatisation of women in water governance. Wrestling with the limited societal engagement, women face limited access to education, training, and resources necessary for active participation in water management initiatives. As elucidated in the Human Development Report of 1995, within the cohort of approximately 900 million individuals worldwide lacking literacy, women surpass men by a ratio of two to one, underscoring the gendered disparities in educational attainment and its repercussions on participation in various spheres of activity. This educational divide has significant implications for political, economic, and social participation, which, in turn, can be exploited by populist governments. Populist leaders often thrive on deep-seated social inequalities, using them to consolidate power by reinforcing traditional gender roles and limiting opportunities for marginalised groups. When women lack access to education, their political agency is weakened, making them more susceptible to political manipulation. This is evident in countries like Brazil under Bolsonaro, rhetoric and policies have often undermined women’s rights, reinforcing economic dependence and restricting their role in governance.
Populist regimes frequently employ nationalist and traditionalist narratives that prioritise domestic roles over female empowerment, further entrenching gender disparities in education. In some cases, populist leaders implement selective welfare policies aimed at electoral loyalty rather than substantive gender reform, as seen in Hungary under Orbán, where pro-family policies have incentivised women to remain in caregiving roles instead of pushing for broader educational equality. Ultimately, the persistence of gendered illiteracy serves as both a tool and a consequence of populist governance, reinforcing patriarchal structures that limit women’s participation in democracy and economic life.
Moreover, discriminatory laws and policies restrict women’s property rights and access to land, undermining their ability to engage in water-related livelihood activities or participate in community decision-making processes. In numerous regions, the inheritance of land rights predominantly follows a paternal lineage, thereby relegating women to subordinate roles despite their active engagement in agricultural endeavours. This systematic disenfranchisement extends to their exclusion from organisational structures tasked with land management decision-making processes. Moreover, prevalent cultural norms in Asian contexts perpetuate the marginalisation of women from participation in irrigation practices and associated deliberative processes concerning water resource allocation. Notwithstanding the substantive involvement of women in irrigation activities, the prevailing socio-cultural constructs often depict such endeavours as exclusively male domains, by that means developing a misperception regarding the gendered division of labour within rural familial units, therewith rendering women’s contributions invisible. Consequently, women find themselves sidelined from consultations pertinent to infrastructure development aimed at enhancing irrigation projects or in the allocation of resources, by such means compounding their marginalisation and vulnerability within agrarian landscapes. Women’s exclusion from decision-making processes in infrastructure development, particularly in irrigation and resource allocation, exacerbates their marginalisation in agrarian economies. Populist governance, which often thrives on reinforcing traditional hierarchies and consolidating power through selective policies, can deepen these inequalities. Populist leaders frequently implement rural development projects that serve their political interests rather than ensuring equitable participation, further sidelining women from crucial economic and environmental decisions. In Brazil under Bolsonaro, for instance, agribusiness-friendly policies often ignored the concerns of rural women, who face greater challenges in land ownership and resource access. By sidelining women from resource allocation and infrastructure planning, populist governance not only deepens gender inequality but also weakens the overall effectiveness of agricultural policies.
The dearth of female representation within decision-making spheres yields additional adverse ramifications, notably in the realms of health and sanitary provisions. Historically, women have assumed the responsibility of upholding household water quality, facilitating its suitability for both potable use and ablutionary purposes. Inadequate sanitary standards and hygiene practices precipitate the proliferation of waterborne afflictions, exemplified by diarrheal illnesses, cholera, and typhoid fever, persisting as salient concerns within the pertinent geographical context. Therefore, addressing the stigmatisation of women in water policy and governance requires comprehensive strategies that challenge entrenched gender norms and promote women’s meaningful participation. Efforts to mainstream gender considerations in water governance must prioritise the empowerment of women through targeted capacity-building initiatives, including education, training, and leadership development programs. Moreover, legal and policy reforms are essential to eliminate discriminatory barriers to women’s participation in water governance and ensure their equal access to resources and decision-making processes. Furthermore, promoting gender-inclusive governance structures that actively involve women in decision-making processes is crucial for challenging stereotypes and dismantling the stigmatisation of women in water governance. This requires proactive measures to increase the representation of women in water-related institutions, committees, and advisory boards, as well as the promotion of gender-sensitive leadership styles that value collaboration, inclusivity, and participatory decision-making.
Populist leadership, despite often reinforcing traditional hierarchies, can adopt a gender-sensitive approach by actively addressing gender disparities, promoting women’s participation in decision-making, and implementing policies that empower women socially and economically. While many populist regimes have been criticised for perpetuating gender inequality, some have incorporated gender-sensitive measures to mobilise female voters and promote women’s rights within their political frameworks. Morales’ leadership in Bolivia, a populist government, implemented policies to increase women’s representation in politics. While this example demonstrate that populist leadership can integrate gender-sensitive policies, the challenge lies in ensuring that these measures go beyond electoral strategies and lead to lasting structural changes. A truly gender-sensitive populist leadership must prioritise women’s political participation, economic inclusion, and protection from violence, rather than using gender policies as a tool for political legitimacy.
Populist leaders, who typically mobilise grassroots support, can strengthen governance by integrating women into water user associations (WUAs) and irrigation committees, as seen in Morales’s administration, where gender parity laws increased women’s involvement in water and land resource management. Numerous platforms have emerged with the aim of fostering increased female involvement in water-related activities. The initiative South Asia Young Women in Water (SAYWiW) platform serves as a significant endeavour in promoting the empowerment of female professionals engaged in water-related fields. It recognises and celebrates the often-unacknowledged endeavours of women within the realm of water management, highlighting their pivotal role in effecting substantive transformation within the South Asian region. Despite encountering various challenges, these pioneering individuals tenaciously advance the frontiers of research and innovation, whereby outperforming their global counterparts and exerting a profound influence on the trajectory of water resource management. Moreover, the establishment of the South Asia Young Women in Water (SAYWiW) further underscores the commitment to fostering gender inclusivity within this domain. The principal objective of this task force is to facilitate the empowerment of women in the realms of sustainable water resource management and agricultural water management. However, beyond institutional reforms, addressing the stigmatisation of women in water governance necessitates broader societal shifts in attitudes towards gender equality and women’s rights. Educational initiatives aimed at challenging gender stereotypes and promoting gender-sensitive perspectives on water management can help foster a culture of respect and inclusivity within communities. Moreover, media campaigns and advocacy efforts can raise awareness about the importance of women’s participation in water governance and highlight the positive contributions that women make to sustainable water management.
In conclusion, the stigmatisation of women in water policy and governance is a deeply entrenched issue shaped by historical, cultural, and political factors. Populist governance further exacerbates these challenges by reinforcing patriarchal norms, centralising power, and dismissing inclusive decision-making processes. Women’s exclusion from water governance not only limits their participation but also undermines the effectiveness and sustainability of water management policies. Structural barriers, such as discriminatory laws, limited access to education, and socio-cultural biases, continue to restrict women’s ability to engage in decision-making, perpetuating systemic inequalities. To address these challenges, a holistic approach is necessary—one that includes legal reforms, education, capacity-building, and the promotion of gender-inclusive governance structures. Increasing women’s representation in water-related institutions and fostering leadership opportunities will help dismantle entrenched biases and promote equitable decision-making. Moreover, populist governance, often viewed as a barrier, can be transformed into an opportunity by integrating gendeor-sensitive policies and empowering women at the grassroots level. Ultimately, achieving gender equity in water governance requires a societal shift in attitudes, alongside policy reforms that recognise women’s essential role in resource management. By fostering inclusivity and breaking down systemic barriers, societies can move towards sustainable and just water governance that benefits all.